He will be
swamped with suggestions as to what to do first -- perhaps none more
impassioned than those who advocate dealing with man-made climate change. He
will be told that it is the biggest threat facing humanity and that its
solution is the mission of our generation. In many quarters, global warming is
now positioned as a kind of uber-issue: a challenge of such enormity that it
trumps all others.
Science and
economics say otherwise. The United Nations science consensus expects
temperature increases of 3 to 7 degrees Fahrenheit by the end of the century,
leading to (for example) sea-level increases of between one-half and two feet.
Yet such a rise is entirely manageable and not dissimilar to the sea-level rise
of about one foot we dealt with over the past 150 years. And while warming will
mean about 400,000 more heat-related deaths globally, it will also have
positive effects, such as 1.8 million fewer cold-related deaths, according to
the only peer-reviewed global estimate, published in Ecological Economics --
something that is rarely reported.
Most
economic models show that the total damage by the end of the century will be
about 3% of global
And yet,
macro policy-making such as the Kyoto Protocol has been supported by an
ill-founded perception of impending doom. The framers of Kyoto will ask that
the global economy spend $180 billion per year for each year of the coming
century mitigating CO2 emissions, with an eventual reduction of global
temperature of an almost immeasurable 0.3 degrees Fahrenheit. It is perhaps
time to ask if this can really be our first priority and generational mission.
This would
not matter if we had infinite resources, and if we'd already solved all or most
other problems.
But we
don't, and we haven't. Especially in the current economic climate, we have to prioritize
what we do -- we have to coolly look at the costs and benefits of policies.
If we don't
do this, we in the developed world will preside over a moral tragedy: We will
waste an extraordinary sum of money doing relatively little good, while millions
of people suffer and die from problems which we could easily have consigned to
history.
Take
hunger. Impassioned pleas for climate action are based on the fact that
agricultural production might decrease because of global warming, especially in
the developing world. But again, we need context. Integrated models show that
even with the most pessimistic assumptions, global warming would see a
reduction in global agricultural production by the end of the century of 1.4%.
Since agricultural output is expected to more than double over the same period,
this means that climate change will cause the world's food production to double
not in 2080 but in 2081.
Global
warming will probably in isolation cause the number of malnourished to increase
by 28 million by the end of the century. Yet the much more important point is
that the world hosts more than 900 million malnourished right now; though we
will add at least three billion more people to humanity before the end of the
century, the total number of malnourished in 2100 will probably drop to about
100 million. And in a much richer world, such remaining hunger is entirely a
consequence of a lack of political will.
Crucially,
focusing on tackling hunger through climate change policy is amazingly
inefficient. Implementing Kyoto at $180 billion annually, we would avoid two
million hungry by the end of the century. Yet spending just $10 billion
annually, the U.N. estimates we could save 229 million people from hunger
today.
Whatever is
spent on climate policies saving one person from hunger in 100 years could
instead save 5,000 people today.
This same
point is true, whether we look at flooding, heat waves, hurricanes, diseases or
water shortages. Carbon cuts are an ineffective response. Direct policies --
such as addressing hunger directly -- do a lot more.
Some say we
just need to go much farther in cutting carbon. But more of a poor solution
doesn't make it better. Even if we could completely stop climate change through
carbon cuts (an utterly unrealistic proposal), 97% of the hunger problem would
remain, because only 3% of it will be caused by global warming.
More
generally, since climate change mainly exacerbates many of the world's existing
problems, reducing emissions will only do marginal good. If global warming is
the proverbial straw that will break the camel's back, spending huge sums on
removing the straw is a poor strategy compared to reducing the camel's excess
base load at much lower cost.
Mr. Obama
has promised both an ambitious climate strategy investing $150 billion in new
technologies and a doubling of foreign assistance to $50 billion. With a
teetering U.S. economy, he has indicated that he may have to scale back the
$150 billion investment. The Vice President-elect has clearly said that the
doubling of aid might have to be postponed.
Now more
than ever, there needs to be trade-offs between competing priorities. His
foreign aid should focus on areas like direct malnutrition policies,
immunization and agricultural research and development.
These would
be some of the best investments possible. Why? This year a team of the world's
top economists, including five Nobel Laureates, identified the very best
investments in improving the world in a process called the Copenhagen
Consensus. They found that if Mr. Obama's increased foreign development
spending was focused on these areas, it could achieve 15 to 25 times more good
than the cost.
We should
also deal with climate change, but in a smarter way.
Kyoto shows
what not to do. In 1997, politicians made lofty promises, which were to be
fulfilled in the future. Well, the future has arrived and most countries did
not want to pay enough -- not just the United States, but the European Union,
Japan and Canada.
Making even
grander pledges at the next negotiation in Copenhagen in 2009 will likely just
waste another decade. Mr. Obama's undertaking to spend $150 billion over the
next decade on clean technology could make a huge difference.
In climate
change, the Copenhagen Consensus experts found that research and development of
low-carbon energy technologies could do 11 times more good than the cost,
whereas simple CO2 cuts produce a disappointing 90-cent return on the dollar.
Amazing good could come from using Mr. Obama's $150
billion primarily to invest in creating new technologies, rather than simply
subsidizing existing ones.
Investing
in existing inefficient technology (like current-day solar panels) costs a lot
for little benefit. Germany, the leading consumer of solar panels, will end up spending
$156 billion by 2035, yet only delay global warming by one hour by the end of
the century.
If Mr.
Obama invested instead in low-carbon research and development, the dollars
would go far (researchers are relatively cheap), and the result -- maybe by
2040 -- will be better solar panels that are cheaper than fossil fuels. Complex
Kyoto-style political negotiations would become unnecessary because everyone,
including China and India, will want to switch. The change will come because in
large part Mr. Obama's $150 billion will have made the technologies cheaper.
Following Mr. Obama's lead, countries should agree to spend 0.05% of their
Harnessing
the immense intellectual and scientific capital of the great nation of the
United States to help solve the problems of the world in a rationally and
morally defensible way is our true generational mission.
It will
require true leadership, and the courage to fly in the face of much popular
opinion -- traits Mr. Obama has already exhibited in great measure.
Change is
definitely needed. Focusing on investment in malnutrition and disease could do
immense good at low cost, brandishing a world where healthier and stronger
humans can take charge of their own lives and deal better with the many
challenges of the future.
Global
warming also needs strong leadership. Avoiding the lost decades and misused
resources of a Kyoto approach would be paramount, and a focus on 0.05% of
This,
truly, would be change we could believe in.